SPEECH BY THE HON. EDDIE FENECH ADAMI, PRIME
MINISTER, ON THE OCCASION OF THE MINI EUROPEAN ASSEMBLY – AUBERGE DE
CASTILLE, VALLETTA - 25 JANUARY 2002
When we talk about the Future of Europe we are really talking about
the emergence of a new order. A new sphere of peace and progress, firmly
rooted in justice, that will decisively leave behind the chaotic Europe
of the first half of the 20th century. A Europe that was
shattered by wars, torn and tattered by internal rivalries.
I would, of course, prefer to see the birth of the
new Europe that is now underway to continue to evolve quietly and
gradually, albeit without any unnecessary loss or waste of time. This
will allow fora softer, more pragmatic approach to the
transition, making things happen step by step, fundamentally and
effectively, rather than with any great burst of trumpet-blowing and
drum-beating, or of rhetoric and theoretical spin.
Two models for this Future Europe are frequently
being presented. On the one hand, the media project the idea of Europe
as a super state. This conforms to the way in which states have been
ideally conceived in modern times - a pyramid structure, with a
constitution at the top, and with subordinate powers distributed
downwards to the lower levels of national and sub-national regions and
localities.
At the opposite end, there is the idea put forward by
more pragmatically minded people that Europe will progress better
without any elaborate, overall political framework. Let us move forward,
they say, just by ensuring increased contacts and communication, and by
fixing up "ad hoc" agreements.
Such people believe that Europe should grow
organically and naturally, as opposed to artificially and mechanically.
They favour a return to something like the medieval approach to society,
viewing this almost as one would a living organism, and away from the
technological modern concepts that treat Government as if it were a
machine.
I suspect, however, that a general feeling is
emerging that the future of Europe requires something else. New systems
of government are needed, because the Europe that is being brought into
being is a new kind of creature in World History. Its model should be
neither the human body, nor the combustion engine. In this dawn of a new
millennium, having just stepped over the threshold of the 21st
century, should it not rather be something like an electronic network?
A network model means that in the Europe of the
Future there need not be anything like the apex of a pyramid, or any
monarchical position. The system has, of course, to be a multi-level
construction, in the sense that authority has to be exercised at
different levels – local, regional, national and continental.
However, provided the authorities at each level have
a clearly defined field of jurisdiction, there is no compelling need for
one level to be subject to that above it in a hierarchial fashion.
On the contrary, the European Union is celebrated for
having adopted the principle of "subsidiarity", as it has been
somewhat equivocally called. This principle essentially means that no
decision should be taken at a higher level, if it can effectively be
taken at a lower level.
A formulation of this, together with other such
principles, combined with a restatement of universally acknowledged
human rights, might even be considered an appropriate
"Constitution" for Europe. It might not quite look like the
Constitutions we are accustomed to having proclaimed by states, adhering
in some way or other to Social Contract theories of sovereignty. But it
would reflect the novel character of the unprecedented political entity
that is being set up.
In the Europe of the future, it needs to be
recognised that the State cannot be the only factor of governance. All
future democratic systems will call for partnerships between both public
and private institutions, and collaboration between them in the pursuit
of the common good.
It is not enough to complement the economic
integration accomplished in Europe, and symbolised by the Euro, with the
consolidation of common political institutions. Attention has also to be
given to social and cultural issues. In these areas, maintaining the
balance between integration on a European scale, and preservation of
national individuality, is even more difficult and delicate.
Some years ago, under the auspices of the Council of
Europe, a conference was held in Malta about Social Policy in Europe. In
that Conference, the idea was explored of how to transform a Welfare
State into a Welfare Society. The underlying principle of such a
transformation is that the provision of welfare should not be considered
as an exclusive responsibility of Government, and consequently be doled
out mainly in the form of money.
It should rather be shouldered as a joint
responsibility, which Government shares with families, churches and
other kinds of non-governmental organisations more capable of meeting
personal needs, with government support, in non-bureaucratic,
personalised forms.
There was consensus that, while differences in values
and culture would not allow Europe to set itself up as a Welfare Super
State, it might be possible to bring about a Welfare "Super
Society". That is, a Europe in which equality in the provision of
welfare was guaranteed in terms of different blends of public and
private inputs. However, this issue has not yet reached a high ranking
on the immediate European agenda.
Yet the social, or third phase, of European
integration provides a perspective which can be helpful in finding the
right guidelines to resolve the dilemmas of the present political, or
second phase. These dilemmas must now be faced in the wake of the
definite progress achieved in the economic, or first phase, of the
process.
The political correlative of the European level of
the transformation of welfare state into welfare society might be
formulated as follows. After the First World War, it was believed that
peace would be ensured by applying the principle that: Every nation has
the right to become a state. European experience has since suggested
that the principle should be modified into: Every nation has the right
to preserve its distinct cultural identity within supranational
political networks.
In this context, perhaps the fundamental issue
underpinning the entire debate on the future of Europe is how to find
the best way of applying the recognition embodied in the principle that
I have just stated. The recognition that peaceful and democratic
development, such as Europe is after, has implications in terms not only
of economic markets and political institutions, but also of cultural
pluralism.